I have participated in at least two Radio and Television discussions on the controversial issue of a sovereign National Conference. From the contributions of well meaning participants and colleagues it would seem that the Sovereign National Conference (SNC) is like the proverbial elephant and the blind Indian men. As a matter of fact, the elephant in the proverbial elephant is more real than the conference. The understanding of the conference and its expected outcome differ from person to person.
It would seem however, that the expected outcomes can be grouped under two broad categories: the structure of the Nigerian state and its continuing existence and the “bad governance” that has increased poverty in Nigeria.
Several Nigerians are not happy with some good reason to show, for the state of the nation. They believe that with the enormous human and natural resources Nigeria should be further ahead than it is. Of course, for those who believe that Nigeria is mistaken creation of colonial Nigeria, the constituent parts of Nigeria may have been better off without as individual units.
Some parts of Nigeria, especially the arid regions of the North, are seen as parasites living off the natural endowments of others. For some of these citizens the way out is the dismantling of the so called 1914 mistake of the colonial authorities. A national sovereign conference for them is necessary to enable the good people of Nigeria decide to “denigerianise”, and free people from the strangle hold of a failed experiment.
Those who canvas this view argue, sometimes very loudly, that Nigerians never sat down together to decide to be part of Nigeria. Even the constitution of the Federal Republic as far as they are concerned is not the peoples constitution because the people of Nigeria never, at any point, sat together to agree on a constitution.
Of course, the historical fallacies of the above arguments are obvious. Since the city democracy of the Greeks – where people gathered at city centers – democracy has evolved into representation. It is virtually impossible today for Nigerians to all gather in one place to discuss.
Whatever form of discussion – even a sovereign national conference would have to be by representation. Furthermore, the constitution of the United States of America was drawn up and agreed to, by representatives and not the people directly. As a matter of fact, the Unites States is a creation of brute force. The people did not sit down to discuss and agree to be part of the United States of America. The people were enslaved, conquered in wars and battles, and as in the case of Nigeria, states which wanted to break away were simply subdued! This indeed is the story of most modern nation states – even the most united and homogenous.
The question has been raised about the revenue sharing formula (fiscal federalism as some prefer to say) which is said to be too lopsided against the federating units, making the centre too strong. Again for students of Nigerian history, this is simply a circle we are going through. The first republic, our first attempt at democracy, according to historians and scholars collapsed, among other reasons because the centre was too strong. The constituent regions were so strong that they held the centre to ransom. The intervening military authorities addressed that by strengthening the centre. At a point in our history when the tin mines on the Jos plateau produced a large portion of Nigerian revenue, the federal authorities took almost all the revenue from the tin mines.
Nigeria took the revenue and Jos plateau has been left with gullies and pits that kill people as well as a large population of immigrant mine workers who say Jos belongs to them. The point is that revenue sharing is within the power of the legislature and it does not require the convocation of a sovereign national conference to handle. The Constitution provides for the revenue formula to be revised every five years.
Presently, it is believed that about 33 percent of Oil revenue goes back to the Niger Delta through the Niger Delta Development Commission, the Ministry of Niger Delta, the 13% of derivation from both onshore and offshore Oil revenues as well as direct federal government budgetary allocations to the states of the region. This achievement did not take a sovereign national conference. It was achieved under the present political dispensation.
In any case besides the logistical nightmare, what would be the fate of the current democratic structure? What legal framework would be used? I have argued elsewhere, if INEC conducts election into the sovereign national conference, in all probability, the current political gladiators would still be the ones who will emerge victorious.
The second question of “bad governance” corruption, bad representation and weakening institutions, cannot be addressed by any conference whatsoever. Let’s face the facts; these abhorrent activists are illegal anyway. The thief of the ballot box or the pen thief who does away with billions of naira is not protected by the law. His kinsmen who celebrate his success at stealing go to the church to worship God who frowns at stealing; on the other hand, the guy who goes back home without good resources to show he has been in government becomes a laughing stock! We have witnessed crowds cheering persons facing trial for corrupt activities. So ensures we Nigerians of all tribes, religions and persuasions. Nigerians big and small; poor and rich, educated and uneducated enjoy disobeying the laws of the land doing wrong things. Yet we desire a better Nigeria; we look forward to some magic wand that will change everything.
Good government is about the people being in charge. The people can stop electoral frauds; people can withdraw poor or thieving or silent representatives; people can protest – as Nigerians did during the anti fuel subsidy protests.
The proposed Sovereign National conference, I believe, is a needless and fruitless trip to Afghanistan! It is a presumption that we can change our situation through one smart short cut. Enthronement of good governance is a process that we must relentlessly undertake. The major force, as the Paris Commune (the first example of a sovereign national conference) the Bolshewk revolution, the collapse of the Berlin wall, the rainbow revolution of the former Soviet Republic and the recent Arab Spring, is the people. Our people need to think globally and act locally. Our councillors and local government officials need to be checked. So too are our legislators, Governors and the President.
Democracy has developed from the practice of the people only voting to people demanding, through organised civil society groups, greater participation and consultation.
Rima Shawulu Kwewum, Journalist and Writer lives in Abuja
Email: rshawulu@ndeya.com